Agape: In Search of Universal Love
from the novel, The Lodging for the Rose
Rolf. A. F. Witzsche

Story 22 - For the Sake of Truth.
page 152


      "That's not what I wanted to hear," answered the woman. "Can you give us some examples of policy?"
      "I can do this," Ushi answered the woman. "We all knew what Roosevelt did. That describes LaRouche's policies. But that is not what you want to hear, either. So, let's take a look at a single policy, the return to regulated industries, for instance. The principle had been established during the Renaissance that money is not wealth. It had been established that all the wealth of society is derived from its productive activities. For this industry to function, that is, what makes our human productivity efficient, we need to create infrastructures, such as electric energy systems. So, how do we create efficient energy systems? If we were to say: Well, we need them, so let's get the state to build them for us, we would fulfill the principle of universal love that is reflected in the general welfare principle of the constitution. But does this accord with the highest principle discovered in mankind's long intellectual development? It does not. The principle of universal sovereignty is not represented. This means that we have to invite all the entrepreneurs to get themselves into the act of creating electricity for society. If we were to do that, of course, we would throw the field wide open to the scourge of pirateering, which shuts down the very idea of economic development. So, what do we do? We take the principle of universal love, the general welfare principle, and combine it with the principle of universal sovereignty. This means that we say to the entrepreneurs: the field is wide open, hop to it and generate electricity for the betterment of the nation; but you have to do it within the boundaries of a regulatory system that assures that the development of the nation is well served. This dual focus on universal sovereignty and universal love, as it were a single principle, closes the door to pirateering, and opens it to effective competition to create the best energy systems and other industrial infrastructures that society can provide for itself. That is what stands behind the policy for industry regulation. It is a simple policy, but it is deeply rooted in the brightest discoveries of humanist intellectual traditions. This, for example, is one of LaRouche's policy platforms."
      I added that this principle of drawing together the two principles of universal love and universal sovereignty, in such a way that the two principles define one another, actually became the foundation for the 1648 Peace of Westphalia. "It became the principle of civilization," I said forcefully, emphasizing this point. "Universal sovereignty became redefined. It became uplifted from being the universal right of might, to being the guarantor for the universal rights of man. And by the same token the principle of universal love was redefined and uplifted from being a universal duty, to being a universal privilege, a privilege that is inherent to being human."
      I pointed out that LaRouche represents this platform to the fullest extend anyone is in our modern world, and that he had begun his fight to reestablish this platform ever since it had been set aside in 1965 for the privileges of the new Pantheon.

      I suppose, we must have have impressed them, because they allowed us to continue.

      On the fourth day the discussion was centered on why China should support LaRouche.
      This time the meeting was held in the auditorium of the government building. The auditorium wasn't full by any means, but there were at least a hundred people in attendance. The moderator of the panel, a man with a stern expression, but with a kind tone of voice, asked me to deliver the keynote speech, and then he introduced me personally.
      He made a fine introduction. Also, it was he who chose the theme: Why should China support LaRouche?
      Wow! Suddenly, there I stood, a hundred faces staring at me, and I was demanded to deliver. That's when I remembered Franklin Roosevelt, who had brought to the table the entire American intellectual tradition, and he won the hearts of the people with his offer to create a new world. I realized at this moment that I had more in my pocket than he did, and this, I realized, was something that I could easily talk about all day long.

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 (c) Copyright 1998 - Rolf Witzsche
Published by Cygni Communications Ltd. North Vancouver, Canada